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《纽约时报》很吃惊 连夜总会的舞女也露红内裤给党生庆
BEIJING — The party for the Party turned out to be a doctrinaire affair, as President Hu Jintao expounded Friday on the benefits of 90 years of communism with Chinese characteristics while workplaces around the country held Red-song singalongs.
The 90th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party — done in secret in the leafy French Concession of Shanghai in 1921 — unfolded Friday with more propaganda hype surrounding it than any party birthday in recent memory. The previous weeks were packed with spectacles reminding Chinese of the party’s revolutionary roots. Officials seemed especially eager to emphasize the party’s history as a populist movement at a time when mass protests have swept authoritarian leaders from power in the Middle East.
There was a star-studded movie, “Beginning of the Great Revival,” that showed Mao and his cohorts plotting a political coup, and a mass choir performance in the western city of Chongqing where 100,000 people in a stadium sang Mao-era classics and waved red flags in unison. But when Mr. Hu took the stage here in the Great Hall of the People on Friday morning, the message at the heart of his one-and-a-half-hour speech was all about social stability.
“The key is adhering to the organic unity of the party leadership, people as masters and ruling the country by law,” Mr. Hu said, signaling that the party, which has 80 million members, about 6 percent of China’s population, would brook no rivals.
Mr. Hu emphasized that for the party to maintain control, it had to stay disciplined, and that meant rooting out the corruption that erodes the trust of ordinary Chinese.
“The danger of letting down one’s psychological guard, the danger of not being sufficiently capable, the danger of distancing one’s self from the people and the danger of pessimism and corruption are right in front of us more than before,” he said.
He returned to the theme later, saying, “The course of 90 years of development of the party tells us that resolute punishment and effective prevention of corruption will decide where people place their faith is a matter of life and death for the party.”
The event was stiff and scripted. Mr. Hu wore a dark suit customary of Chinese leaders, and the audience clapped dutifully at the important inflections in his speech. Before Mr. Hu took the stage, his presumed successor, Xi Jinping, the vice president, spoke a few words, and a short ceremony unfolded in which scores of “model” party members were handed certificates. The celebration was broadcast on television, radio and even on speakers in the Beijing subway.
Mr. Hu’s speech highlighted the early days of the party, when it sided with the ruling Kuomintang party to fight against the invading Japanese, then turned against the Kuomintang in a civil war to establish a socialist China. And it underscored the economic successes of recent decades, when China achieved average annual growth rates of 10 percent and lifted 400 million people out of poverty.
What was missing, as expected, was an honest assessment of Mao’s nearly three-decade rule, when tens of millions died from famine and state-directed violence. There was a fleeting mention of mistakes made, but no detail: “In some historical periods, we once made mistakes and even suffered severe setbacks, the root cause of which was that our guiding thought then was divorced from China’s reality,” Mr. Hu said. But the party, he added, “rose up amid the setbacks and continued to go forward victoriously” because it “resolutely adhered to the principle of seeking truth from facts.”
Mainland China today may have some echoes of the one ruled by the Kuomintang — a stark wealth gap, wide distrust of officials, ideological and spiritual vacuity. But Mr. Hu did not dwell on that. Nor did he mention the harsh measures that the party, betraying its insecurity, employs these days to quash dissent. Since February alone, hundreds of intellectuals and artists have been detained and interrogated in the harshest crackdown on liberal thought in years.
The ceremony ended with a dirgelike rendition of “The Internationale,” which the party generally does not encourage to be sung among the masses, because of its message of rebellion and class struggle.
There were much livelier celebrations elsewhere involving red songs, which central leaders have been promoting for months.
At a nightclub in Changsha, near Mao’s hometown, deejays stopped the dance music at midnight on Friday as emcees announced it was time to fête the party and celebrate 90 years of prosperity. The entire room began singing and swaying to “Love My China,” a red classic. Then a half-dozen young women, all dressed in tight red skirts and white blouses adorned with red ribbons, jumped up on stage and began gyrating around three poles. Slowly they peeled off their clothes, until they were left dancing in red panties and bras.
A surprised American visitor asked a waiter about the festivities. “Everyone needs to commemorate the party,” the waiter said.
Around Tiananmen Square on Friday afternoon, security officers stood at posts every block and operated checkpoints where they carefully searched people’s bags. But the square was still densely packed with tourists and celebrants. In the middle was a large red sculpture of the party emblem, with a yellow hammer and sickle in the middle and the dates “1921-2011.”
North of the square, near the familiar portrait of Mao hanging on the vermilion wall of Tiananmen, seven villagers from Shandong Province huddled together on a railing. They were three generations from one family. The father, who gave his name as Mr. Feng, 33, said they had made the journey to Beijing to revel in the big bash.
“We just arrived this morning,” he said. “The whole country celebrating the party’s birthday shows the unity of our people and our strong cohesion.”
Adam Century contributed reporting from Changsha. Li Bibo and Shao Heng contributed research from Beijing.
“纽约时报”很吃惊连夜总会的舞女也露红内裤给党生庆
北京 - 为党的党变成了一个教条主义的事，作为胡锦涛主席阐述了有中国特色的90年的共产主义利益而周五在全国各地的工作场所举行红歌singalongs。
而对中国共产党成立90周年 - 在绿叶的上海法租界秘密在1921年完成 - 周五展开更多的宣传与周边比近代记忆中任何一方的生日是炒作。以前周爆满，提醒与党的革命根中国眼镜。官员们似乎特别热衷于强调作为在大规模抗议活动时有席卷而来，在中东的权力专制领导人时间民粹运动党的历史。
有一个明星云集的影片，“伟大复兴的开始，”这表明毛泽东和他的同伙密谋政变，并在重庆西部的城市，10万人体育场演唱毛泽东时代的经典合唱团的性能和质量挥舞红旗齐声。但是，当胡先生发生在上周五上午，人民大会堂，在他的一和一个半小时的演讲舞台心的消息这里是社会稳定的。
“关键是坚持党的领导的有机统一，作为人民当家作主和依法治国的国家，”胡先生说，这表明党，它拥有80万会员的中国约6％的人口，将溪没有了对手。
先生，胡锦涛强调，党要保持控制，它不得不保持纪律，这意味着铲除了腐败侵蚀了普通中国人的信任。
他说：“对不起一个人的心理防范，不被足够的能力危险的危险，远离人民的悲观和腐败的危险，一个人的自我的危险就在我们面前比以前，”他说。
他回到了主题以后，他说：“在党的90年发展过程告诉我们，坚决惩治和有效预防腐败，人们的地方将决定他们的信仰是一种生活和党的死亡问题。”
这次活动是僵硬和脚本。胡先生穿着深色西装的中国领导人的习惯，观众拍手在讲话中尽职尽责的重要语调。在胡锦涛先生走上讲台，他的继任者推测，习近平，副总裁，讲了几句话和简短仪式展开，其中“模式”党员成绩被移交证书。庆祝活动是广播电视，电台，甚至在北京地铁扬声器。
先生，胡锦涛的讲话强调了党的早期，当它与执政的国民党片面对抗入侵然后转身在反对国民党的内战，建立了社会主义中国的日本。它强调了近几十年来的经济成就，在中国取得了平均10％的年增长速度和摆脱贫困的4亿人。
什么是缺少的，正如所料，是毛泽东的近三十年的规则，当数千万来自饥荒和国家的暴力死亡诚实的评估。有一个稍纵即逝的失误提及，但没有细节：“在某些历史时期，我们曾经犯过错误，甚至遭受严重挫折，根本原因是我们的指导思想是，当时从中国的现实脱节，”胡先生说。但是，党，他补充说，“奋起中的挫折，继续胜利前进”，因为它“坚决坚持了实事求是的原则。”
中国大陆今天可能由国民党统治的一个部分相呼应 - 一个鲜明的贫富差距，官员广泛的不信任，思想和精神的空虚。但是，胡先生没有多说。他也没有提到的严厉措施，党，背叛它的不安全因素，采用这些天来撤销异议。自今年二月单，知识分子和艺术家数百人已被拘留，并于自由主义思想中最严厉的审问年镇压。
仪式结束时的“国际歌”，这是党的一般不鼓励在群众中进行传唱，因为它的叛乱和阶级斗争的消息，dirgelike移交。
有许多生动的庆祝活动，涉及其他地方的红色歌曲，其中中央领导人一直几个月推广。
在夜总会在长沙，近毛泽东的故乡，deejays停在周五的舞蹈音乐，emcees宣布是时候宴请和庆祝党的90年的繁荣在午夜。整个房间开始歌唱，摇摆不定的“爱我中国，”红色经典。然后半打年轻女性，都在紧张的红裙子和红丝带装饰的白色上衣打扮，在舞台上蹦了起来，开始围绕三个极点回转。他们慢慢揭下自己的衣服，直到他们被留在红色的内裤和胸罩跳舞。
一个奇怪的美国游客问服务员有关的庆祝活动。 “每个人都需要纪念党”的服务员说。
围绕天安门广场上周五下午，保安人员站在岗位每块和他们仔细搜查人的袋操作检查站。但广场上依然密密麻麻挤满了游客和庆祝。在中间是一个大红色的雕塑党的会徽有一个黄色锤子和镰刀的中间和日期，“1921年至2011年。”
在广场北部，靠近毛泽东画像上熟悉的天安门唇红壁挂，七名来自山东省村民们挤在一起上栏杆。他们三个从一个家庭几代人。父亲，谁给他作为冯先生，33名表示，他们已经取得的北京之旅在大bash来陶醉。
“我们今天早上刚到，”他说。 “整个国家庆祝党的生日展示了我国人民和我们的强大的凝聚力团结。”
亚当世纪贡献从长沙报道。栗逼趵和邵诃嗯贡献来自北京的研究。 |
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