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特朗普将缺席曼谷亚细安峰会

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发表于 2019-10-31 09:42:30 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
转载自博讯网本届亚细安峰会将于11月2日至4日,在泰国曼谷和暖武里府举行。(路透社)
   
    第35届亚细安峰会及系列会议下周在泰国举行,美国将派较底层级官员出席,此举料将令其亚洲盟友感到失望。
   
    美国白宫发表声明说,美国代表团将由商务部长罗斯率领,成员包括获任命为特朗普特使的国家安全顾问奥布赖恩,以及国务院负责东亚与太平洋事务的助理国务卿史迪威(David Stilwell)。
   
    特朗普自上台以来只出席了2017年在马尼拉举行的美国-亚细安峰会,之后就没在亚细安峰会上亮相过。副总统彭斯则于去年代表美国出席了在新加坡的峰会。
   
    美国前总统奥巴马任内从未缺席美国-亚细安峰会,只有2013年因联邦政府关门而破例。

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发表于 2019-11-1 20:08:16 | 显示全部楼层

出卖叙利亚盟友,再次证明川普是受中共匪和俄罗斯操纵

川普下令从叙利亚撤军,并非轻率决定,而是受中共匪和俄罗斯指使,目的是破坏众盟友对美国的信任,瓦解美国的战略同盟。

美国与众多国家的战略同盟,尤其是北约组织,是最让中共匪和俄罗斯惧怕的,因此,川普上任以来,一直千方百计破坏美国与众盟友的关系,试图瓦解北约,以致美国国会被迫通过法案阻止川普擅自退出北约。

但川普当然不会善罢甘休。下令从叙利亚撤军,就是川普破坏美国的全球战略同盟的新一步棋。

此决定作出后,立竿见影。各国传媒、政评人士等,纷纷挖出美国以前出卖盟友的历史,并得出「美国靠不住」的结论。这显然是中共匪和俄罗斯想要的结果。

很多人见川普对共匪国加税,就想当然以为川普是反共的,但其实川普不仅要对共匪国加税,更要对欧洲、南美、日韩、东南亚等各盟友全面加税、全面破坏美国与众盟友的关系、孤立美国。只因美国国会的阻止和舆论压力,川普才不能对所有盟友都加税,只能对共匪国加税。

奥巴马时期推行的 TPP,是美国联合众盟友,经济围堵共匪国的战略;而川普一上台就废掉了 TPP,要以美国一国之力对全球各国发动贸易战。两种方案,孰优孰劣?哪一种才能真正围堵和竭制共匪?显而易见。

川普上台以来的很多做法,明显是在帮中共匪和俄罗斯做事,例如:

1. 川普一上台,就对时任英国首相说,应该停止输出自由民主普世价值观,同时川粉蜂拥而出,把支持自由民主普世价值者嘲讽为「白左」;

2. 川普建墙:共匪建立的各种墙,因为有了川普这个 "美国例子",也变得 "理直气壮" 了;

3. 川普削减底层民众的福利:共匪政权对官员高福利、对普通百姓几乎没有福利,这下也变得 "理直气壮" 了;

4. 川普团队有人提议退出联合国:共匪政权作为联合国常任理事国,早就签署了《世界人权宣言》,却一直肆意侵犯民众人权、明目张胆地违反《世界人权宣言》。而如果美国退出了联合国,那就说明没有人拿联合国当回事,共匪就更加没有制约,更可以肆意侵犯人权、为所欲为,甚至夺取联合国的主导权了。

5. 川普退出 TPP:大大有利于共匪专制势力,并把世界主导权让给共匪。

6. 川普推升油价:大大有利于俄国,直接摧毁了美国制裁专制势力的努力。

7. 川普对于不执行他命令的人,立即撤换:这完全就是共匪的专制手法 --- 谁不听话,马上撤掉谁。

在幕后支持川普的势力很庞大,挺川普的五毛们明显带有共匪五毛风格,不管他们如何宣称自己是基督徒,或者是身为黑人的白人种族主义者 (?),他们的言行总是带有挥之不去的共匪五毛红卫兵味,令人一眼就能认出来。


相关新闻:特朗普轻易背叛反恐盟友 埃尔多安的土耳其大军征伐库尔德人

http://www.rfi.fr/cn/%E6%94%BF%E ... 4%E5%BE%B7%E4%BA%BA



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发表于 2019-11-1 20:25:38 | 显示全部楼层
击杀ISIS首领并非川普的功劳,是美军怕川普泄密瞒著他行动

http://duping.net/XHC/show.php?.forum4hk.com=11&post=1422368

美国特种部队击杀ISIS首领让华川粉把功劳归功于川普的回马枪,但纽约时报说,川普突然下令从叙利亚撤军迫使美国情报机构和军方决定在美军完全撤出前实施截杀ISIS首领行动,库尔德人提供了很多情报,得知ISIS首领隐藏地点后军方采取了行动,而川普下令撤军时对该计划并无了解。

C.I.A. Got Tip on al-Baghdadi's Location From Arrest of a Wife and a Couriere
President Trump's abrupt decision to pull forces from northern Syria disrupted planning for the raid and forced the Pentagon to press ahead with a risky night operation, military officials said.

据说CIA 害怕川普泄密,所以并没有告诉他行动计划。

结果川普去打高尔夫球,行动结束后一个半小时,才在军情室模仿奥巴马摆姿势拍假照片。

https://ahvalnews.com/islamic-st ... sis-leader-reports#

But after Trump ordered a full withdrawal of U.S. troops on Oct. 6, the military realised it would have to act quickly before it lost the capability of tracking Baghdadi, said the newspaper.

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发表于 2019-11-4 10:58:44 | 显示全部楼层
《香港人权及民主法案》在参议院受阻,或将延期、减辣

https://hk.appledaily.com/local/ ... CWRO3RMNKZHFNWVQAQ/

“国际牌”是香港反修例运动的重要抗争手段,已获美国众议院全票通过的《香港人权及民主法案》,却尚未获参议院排期优先审议,令有关能够制裁香港特区官员的“武器”未必及时上场。据《苹果》了解,不少参议员对法案有所保留,包括掌握议程调动权力的多数党领袖麦康奈尔都反对有关制裁机制。消息指,法案在制裁机制上或作调整,收窄针对对象至部份中国企业、直接打压香港的中央及特区政府高级官员,并会延至明年春季才表决。

截至上月31日,《香港人权及民主法案》已获36名参议员联署支持,但仍未获麦康奈尔调动议程优先审批。据悉,目前多于五名参议员对法案有所保留,家族向来亲北京、至今未就法案表态的麦康奈尔等部份议员不赞成采取制裁措施;而被指亲中的加州民主党范士丹等议员则关注法案或影响与中国关系;另有议员担心落实制裁机制会影响香港的特殊地位,对港造成永久伤害。

有消息指,参议院不会采纳众议院通过的版本,提出法案的参议员鲁比奥办公室正着手调整法案的制裁内容,使制裁对像更具针对性,避免直接影响香港享有的特殊地位;另有消息指制裁将收窄至部份中国企业、京、港直接打压香港的官员,或未能触及港人原希望一网打尽的选举主任或滥暴警员。消息人士指,行政机关从未正面批评警暴问题,足见端倪。

有熟悉美国国会人士估计明年春季才有机会表决法案,相信届时仍会获大比数支持,并指美方希望以持久战方式维持香港运作,以及保障在港人民安全,如非必要都不希望实施制裁,但认为香港人应巩固美国国会对香港的持续支持。

香港众志驻华盛顿常委敖卓轩接受查询时指,若有议员反对法案,可以阻止法案以“一致通过(Unanimous Consent)”方式审批,加以拖延,若有多于一人,更可轮流无间断地提出有关要求而毋须表露身份。他认为,针对性作出制裁改动是好事,让行政机关日后执行法案当中可行机制时有更多选项,同时避免冲击香港独立关税区地位。

早前曾经访美的香港众志秘书长黄之锋承认《香港人权及民主法案》于参议院面对颇大阻滞,但强调众志及其他民主派会继续推动麦康奈尔将法案调动至较前审议位置,呼吁港人继续争取国际社会关注,及以不同途径向参议员作出支持法案的清晰表态。


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发表于 2019-11-4 11:11:25 | 显示全部楼层
川普的粉丝们经常攻击民主党是“白左”、“亲北京”。

但事实是,民主党占多数的众议院全票通过《香港人权及民主法案》,众议院的议长正是发起弹劾川普的佩洛西(Pelosi)。

而在共和党占优势的参议院,《香港人权及民主法案》却遭阻滞。

即使参议院通过《香港人权及民主法案》,川普会不会签署、何时签署,也是个问题。

即使川普在压力下被迫签署法案,是否使用该法案,如何使用、何时使用,也都是问题。

参考一下西藏的情况:

西藏长期遭受共匪的残酷镇压和屠杀,多年前曾有藏人想要武装反抗共匪,但西方政要对藏人说:你们一定要坚持和平非暴力,如果你们使用暴力,我们就不再支持你们了。

于是,藏人继续任由共匪屠杀,继续被屠杀了很多年。

西方的支持呢?十几年前还有一些口头上的支持,现在干脆连口头支持都没有了,西方政客会见共匪高官时,都避谈西藏问题了。川普一上任,更要立即砍掉对西藏的支持:

https://www.voachinese.com/a/aid-tibetan-20170529/3875797.html


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发表于 2019-11-4 14:44:54 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 牛哥HDF19990720 于 2019-11-4 14:47 编辑

特朗普(川普)现在正处于一个关键时期,所以在某些问题上我估计他将不得不谨慎从事……
但我个人对川普还是充满信心的,川普总统是一个值得信赖的人———— 这个,从特朗普在很多国际事件的处理上都可以看出来的。当然每个人对于他的不同的评价———— 那就属于“见仁见智”了……
牛刀小试,哥非昔比,低调行事,高调做人! 哈哈哈哈哈哈
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匿名
匿名  发表于 2019-11-7 08:47:54
【路透社】《香港人权与民主法案》在参议院受阻,已知有九名参议员反对该法案;川普表态:若贸易谈判有进展,他将对香港问题沉默

https://www.reuters.com/article/ ... acles-idUSKBN1XF2GW

Effort in U.S. Congress to rein in China on Hong Kong protests faces obstacles

November 6, 2019

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A push in the U.S. Congress for legislation to support pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong and pressure China to refrain from a violent crackdown faces an array of obstacles, raising questions about the prospect it will ever become law.

The fate of the legislation could depend in part on whether lawmakers who represent states with companies heavily invested in the Chinese market can overcome concerns about Beijing’s retaliation against U.S. businesses.

The outlook is further clouded by a cautious response on Hong Kong by the Trump administration at a crucial juncture for U.S.-China trade talks and uncertainty over whether congressional leaders will make the issue a priority on a crowded end-of-year agenda.

The House of Representatives unanimously passed Hong Kong human rights legislation in mid-October, including a bill that would place Hong Kong’s special treatment by the United States under tighter scrutiny, drawing accusations from Beijing that the lawmakers had “sinister intentions.”

A Senate committee approved a similar measure in September, but it has not been scheduled for a vote by the full body, which is required before legislation can be sent to President Donald Trump. The White House has yet to say whether he would sign or veto it.

Even as Hong Kong activists have set their hearts on stronger U.S. action, which they see as vital to a movement that has drawn millions to the streets, the issue remains largely up in the air in Washington.

The bill’s delay - against a backdrop of increasingly dangerous clashes between protesters and police - has been a source of frustration for lawmakers whose overwhelming support for the legislation cuts across party lines.

“Your guess is as good as mine as to why something that enjoys that broad, bipartisan support - and on an issue that’s acute and happening now - has not reached the floor of the U.S. Senate,” Republican Senator Marco Rubio, a leading China hawk and the bill’s chief co-sponsor, told Reuters.

TRUMP GOES SILENT ON HONG KONG

Looming over the Hong Kong crisis is the bitter trade war between the world’s two biggest economies. Trump has said he and Chinese President Xi Jinping will soon sign a “Phase One” trade deal, his administration’s top priority with Beijing.

At an Oct. 11 meeting in the Oval Office, Trump told Chinese Vice Premier Liu He he would keep quiet on the Hong Kong protests as long as progress was being made on trade, according to two people briefed on the discussions.

The White House did not respond to a question on whether Trump made such a promise or if the administration was concerned the Hong Kong situation could complicate trade talks.

While Trump has since avoided publicly criticizing China over Hong Kong, Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo have spoken out against Beijing’s human rights record in Hong Kong and elsewhere, including its treatment of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang.

The legislation reflects an increasingly hard-line sentiment among some of Trump’s fellow Republicans and many Democrats over what they see as Beijing’s tightening grip on Hong Kong.

Protesters are campaigning against what they see as Chinese meddling with the freedoms promised under the “one country-two systems” formula when Britain returned Hong Kong to Chinese rule in 1997. China denies doing so, and has blamed Western countries for stirring up trouble.

The U.S. bills would amend existing law to require annual certification from the State Department that Hong Kong remains sufficiently autonomous from Beijing to justify the unique treatment by Washington that has helped it to develop into a major financial center.

China has threatened unspecified countermeasures, prompting the American Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong to warn of “counterproductive consequences” of the legislation that could hurt U.S. businesses.

That has given rise to speculation that some senators, especially those in agricultural states or with major China-dependent businesses, would prefer a go-slow approach and might even work behind the scenes to block the legislation.

Mark Simon, a Hong Kong-based executive for Next Media, a media group funded by pro-democracy businessman Jimmy Lai, is pessimistic about the Senate bill’s near-term prospects after a recent round of meetings with members of Congress in Washington.

Simon expressed concern that as many as nine senators might have objections to the bill – though none has said so publicly. “The U.S. Senate, by refusing to stand up for Hong Kong, is editing our political process in order to sell some grain, pork, and planes,” he told Reuters.

Rubio said he had not heard objections from fellow senators, but noted it could be “somehow wrapped up in the broader trade issues and fear that it could unravel that.”

‘FOREIGN BLACK HAND’

Despite activists’ clamoring for U.S. action, some experts say it could be counterproductive.

Steve Tsang, director of the China Institute at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, said the legislation “would play into Beijing’s hands by claiming it as evidence of the existence of a ‘foreign black hand’ behind the protests in Hong Kong.”

Bills similar to the current legislation have been introduced and gone nowhere in the past three Congresses, but the protracted crisis in Hong Kong has helped the measures advance further than previously.

The White House did not respond to requests for comment. But a U.S. official speaking on condition of anonymity said the administration was prepared to let the congressional process run its course.

It is unclear whether Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell will set a vote on a bill during an already jammed schedule in the final weeks of the 2019 session, including the threat of a federal government shutdown and looming impeachment proceedings against Trump.

One way to get around those obstacles, congressional aides say, would be to attach the Hong Kong legislation to a broader Senate bill on defense or the budget.


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发表于 2019-11-8 00:51:47 | 显示全部楼层
【若贸易谈判有进展,他将对香港问题沉默】
——- 这个话有很大的伸缩性,何为“贸易谈判有进展”呢?进展到何种程度呢?? 还有,什么样的情况才是属于这个“贸易谈判有进展”的定义呢????……
所以,在这么多的东西都没有搞个水落石出之前,您又叫别人如何来评判和解读呢?是不是?!
牛刀小试,哥非昔比,低调行事,高调做人! 哈哈哈哈哈哈
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匿名
匿名  发表于 2019-11-11 10:17:49
炮轰特朗普为利益背弃港人 《华邮》评论促参院尽快表决

https://hk.news.appledaily.com/i ... e/20191110/60247301

美国参议院迟迟未表决《香港人权与民主法案》,美国舆论也炮轰白宫及参院多数党领袖麦康奈尔为中美贸易谈判营造良好气氛,刻意拖延表决。美国专门研究国家安全及外交政策的评论员罗金(Josh Rogin)在《华盛顿邮报》撰文,炮轰总统特朗普及麦康奈尔为利益,让香港人失望,他形容虽然香港人无论有没有美国支持也会抗争下去,但美国此时“背弃香港人”,实际是放弃自己的道德和战略影响力

罗金在《华盛顿邮报》发表题为《特朗普与麦康奈尔正让港人失望》(Trump and McConnell are failing the people of Hong Kong),他形容自数以百万人上街示威至今5个月,美国众议院已一致通过《香港人权与民主法案》,以监察香港的自治情况以及制裁损害自治的官员,而香港人也不断争取国际支持,尤其要争取美国国会通过此法案,他在文中引述参议院少数派领袖舒默(Charles Schumer)说:“我们需要向主席(习近平)发出清晰讯息,表明美国在香港人行使民主权利之时,会与他们肩并肩。任何人声称支持香港人的,都应该跟我们一起促请参议院推动《香港人权与民主法案》。”

但罗金形容,目前仍未有迹象显示参议院即将安排全院表决,他认为必须归咎两个人——总统特朗普及参议院多数党领袖麦康奈尔。他指出,参议院有消息指,麦康奈尔受到白宫压力,因为白宫不希望如今在贸易谈判首阶段尾声之时,“令北京不悦”或节外生枝,文章更重提早有报道揭发,六月特朗普曾与习近平通电话,承诺在贸易谈判期间会在香港问题上沉默,而路透社早前也有报道指,特朗普在10月11日会见中国特使刘鹤时,也重申此立场

罗金坦言,特朗普对香港问题的取态一直非常清晰,早在8月他已与北京措辞一致,形容示威是“骚乱”,更曾说过美国不会介入。但麦康奈尔不同,他在8月时曾在《华尔街日报》以《我们站在香港一方》为题撰文,扬言会支持《香港人权与民主法案》,当时麦康奈尔更写道:“最重要的是要认识到,导致这场危机的力量并非始于香港,也不会在那儿结束;这乱局是北京有计划地提高其国内压迫和追求外国霸权的结果。”

“他说得对,可惜现在他沉默了。”罗金这样评价麦康奈尔的说法,他在文中承认,美国商界取态是关键,他说:“美国商界对立法有忧虑,若然美国撤销香港的特别经济地位,那么美国公司会受到影响。”但他解释,法案影响还没有那么深远,因为还要政府写报告,评估香港的高度自治是否值得维持这地位,才会向那些损害法治的相关官员实施制裁甚至撤销地位。

罗金承认,中国政府势必会威胁美国若不就人权问题“闭口”,就会破坏贸易协议,但他认为若然美国真的像特朗普般就范,将两个问题扯上关系,只会削弱美国在这两个议题的立场。参院外交委员会民主党籍首席议员梅南德兹(Robert Menendez)曾跟罗金说:“我真的很担心特朗普政府再一次打算出卖香港人及他们合法的民主愿望。”

罗金批评,特朗普为了连任战考虑,急切想与中国达成协议,甚至不惜只求“坏协议”,但他向麦康奈尔痛陈是非,认为他可尽快安排表决,让《香港人权与民主法案》在两党一致支持下通过,就正如麦康奈尔自己也说过,这不只关乎香港的事,这是关乎中国共产党野心扩张时,美国所担当的抵御角色。他在结语说:“香港人会为自己的权利而战,无论有没有美国的支持。但若然我们放弃他们,我们将牺牲对北京的实际道德和战略影响力——为的是大豆销售。特朗普看来不介意,所以国会必须行动。”


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匿名
匿名  发表于 2019-11-11 19:55:57

五角大楼批评川普:从叙利亚和伊拉克撤军,导致 ISIS 卷土重来

A scathing new Pentagon report blames Trump for the return of ISIS in Syria and Iraq

https://www.businessinsider.com/ ... ria-and-iraq-2019-8

The Pentagon inspector general issued a report to Congress saying that the Islamic State is again growing in power in Syria and Iraq, with approximately 14,000 to 18,000 militants.

The report specifically said President Donald Trump's decision to rapidly draw down troops in Syria and pull diplomatic staff from Iraq increased instability and allowed the militants to regroup.

Former Special Presidential Envoy Brett McGurk, who resigned following the drawdown announcement, has repeatedly warned of this scenario, saying that Trump's policies would lead to chaos and "an environment for extremists to thrive."


A report from the Pentagon inspector general found that President Donald Trump's decision to rapidly pull troops out of Syria and divert attention from diplomacy in Iraq has inadvertently aided the Islamic State's regrouping in Syria and Iraq.

The Department of Defense's quarterly report to Congress on the effectiveness of the US Operation Inherent Resolve mission said that "ISIS continued its transition from a territory-holding force to an insurgency in Syria, and it intensified its insurgency in Iraq" — even though Trump said ISIS was defeated and the caliphate quashed, The Wall Street Journal reported.

Many officials and experts have repeatedly warned that a rapid US withdrawal from Syria would enable ISIS to regroup into an insurgency after their battlefield defeats by the US-led coalition.

The IG's report also explicitly said the troop drawdown in Syria, which Trump announced at the end of last year, contributed to instability in the region. The drawdown, which prompted the resignation of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, left the US's Syrian partners in the lurch, without the training or support they needed to confront a resurgent ISIS. In Iraq, the Iraqi security forces lack the necessary infrastructure to fight off ISIS for sustained periods.

ISIS is estimated to have 14,000 to 18,000 combatants, according to the report, who are carrying out assassinations, suicides, crop burnings, and ambushes in Iraq and Syria — different from the large-scale attempts to seize territory since 2014 but a violent threat to civilians in both countries nonetheless.

Perhaps more importantly, ISIS is again generating revenue by extorting civilians in both countries, kidnapping for ransom, and skimming money from rebuilding contracts. This decentralized method of income generation — unlike the detailed tax and revenue system ISIS employed during its caliphate — makes the income more difficult to track.

McGurk, like Mattis, resigned his post after Trump announced his drawdown. In a January op-ed, he warned that Trump's policies in the region would give "new life" to ISIS and other US adversaries, and that the decision would "precipitate chaos and an environment for extremists to thrive," exactly what the IG's report said was happening on the ground.


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匿名
匿名  发表于 2019-11-11 20:01:25

更离谱的是,川普下令从叙利亚撤军前,完全没有咨询,甚至没有预先通知美军在中东的军事总指挥。撤军命令突然下达,毫无预兆,一如川普用 「Twitter 解雇」来代替正式通知,被解雇的官员竟然是看了 Twitter 才知道自己被解雇。

Trump didn't bother to tell his top general in the Middle East that he was going to pull troops out of Syria

https://www.businessinsider.com/ ... pullout-plan-2019-2
President Donald Trump announced his decision to withdraw troops from Syria without consulting his combatant commander in the region, the top US general in the Middle East said on Tuesday.

"We were not — I was not — consulted," Gen. Joseph Votel, the head of US Central Command, told the Senate Armed Services Committee.

The president's announcement late last year shocked top US officials and allies and was reportedly the final straw for Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, who quickly resigned. Trump has claimed he forced Mattis out.


President Donald Trump did not consult his top general in the Middle East before he announced late last year that he would withdraw US troops from Syria.

"I was not aware of the specific announcement," Gen. Joseph Votel, the Army officer who as head of US Central Command oversees the wars in Syria and Afghanistan, told the Senate Armed Services Committee on Tuesday. "Certainly we are aware that he had expressed a desire and intent in the past to depart."

He added: "We were not — I was not — consulted."

The president declared victory over the Islamic State terrorist group in a video message on December 19, stressing the need to pull US troops out.

"We have won against ISIS," Trump said. "We've beaten them, and we've beaten them badly. We've taken back the land. And now it's time for our troops to come back home."

An estimated 2,000 US troops are in Syria.

Apparently the major decision didn't warrant consultation with or even a courtesy call to the combatant commander leading military operations in the region.

Last week, senior US intelligence officials told the Senate Intelligence Committee that ISIS would "exploit any reduction" in counterterrorism pressure "to strengthen its clandestine presence and accelerate rebuilding key capabilities."

This week, the Pentagon, citing Central Command, reported that ISIS "could likely resurge in Syria within six to twelve months and regain limited territory" if pressure is not maintained.

Votel said Tuesday that while ISIS's caliphate is crumbling, "the fight against ISIS and violent extremists is not over, and our mission has not changed." He stressed that all that has been won on the battlefield can be secured only by "maintaining a vigilant offensive" against ISIS.

Trump has repeatedly disregarded the observations and advice of the US intelligence community and his senior military leaders. His decision to withdraw from Syria was reportedly the final straw for Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, who quickly resigned. Trump has claimed he forced Mattis out.

"I think I would've been a good general," Trump said early last month.



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发表于 2019-11-12 03:44:31 | 显示全部楼层
建议以上两个帖子的作者去看看何清涟女士的最新文章《惊心!最先进核导弹技术!美国总统给了中国》,不怕不识货、就怕货比货啊!
当您在吹毛求疵川普(特朗普)总统时,那请您先看一看川普前几任总统的斑斑劣迹吧………没有比较就没有鉴别哇!!!
牛刀小试,哥非昔比,低调行事,高调做人! 哈哈哈哈哈哈
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发表于 2019-11-12 12:09:16 | 显示全部楼层
川普是俄罗斯和中共匪红色权贵血债帮操控的,这个红色权贵血债帮里,包括邓小平家族势力。

共匪的脑控技术,一部分来自前苏联,一部分来自美国CIA。据说是「中共的老朋友」Henry Kissinger 为了赚钱,把美国的脑控技术、气象武器、EMP武器等很多黑科技武器转交给了共匪。

由于匪区有公权力随便杀人的「低人权优势」,共匪使用脑控武器在大量不知情的无辜平民身上进行人体实验,获得了突飞猛进的进展,在某些方面已经超过了美国和俄罗斯。

也是由于匪区的「低人权优势」,共匪使用活人研究基因改造,也取得了突飞猛进的进展。





http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/19/5/28/n11286041.htm

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发表于 6 天前 | 显示全部楼层

「被统战」的代价与「统战对象」的下场


西方政商界大佬被共匪利益捆绑,导致西方国家在人权问题上对共匪姑息放纵,最新的例子是《香港人权与民主法案》在美国参议院受阻。

这并不令人意外,只是那些政商界大佬们不一定知道,他们接受共匪的利益输送,所需付出的代价,远超他们的想象。

共匪对「统战对象」输送利益时,一定会同时设下圈套陷阱、暗中加害。此类先例太多,不胜枚举,仅举一些较近的例子:


一、韩国前总统朴槿惠

习近平上台之初,与时任韩国总统的朴槿惠有一段「外交蜜月期」,共匪借此大举渗透韩国,甚至连韩国明星都要为共匪权贵们「提供服务」了。

之后,由于朴槿惠坚定支持部署「萨德」,惹怒了共匪,于是爆出「闺蜜门」,身败名裂,被共特总统文在寅取而代之。

习近平与朴槿惠交好的同时,共匪军情特务部门一直暗中对朴槿惠设套、加害,不久便成功把她弄下台,把文在寅推上位。

共匪对朴槿惠的加害,除了阴谋构陷,还有对她身体健康的暗中残害。朴槿惠入狱数年之后,据说有翻案的希望,但她的健康状况已严重恶化。


二、香港从「统战对象」到「专政对象」的转变

香港「回归」之初,仍属于「统战对象」,因此共匪在明面上给予香港颇多优待,包括:

大力收买香港政商界、演艺界名流,让他们发大财;

让香港的公务员系统维持高薪,政府和警队高层月薪达几十万港币;

多次对港人大派现金、让香港学生免费到大陆旅游,等等。

与此同时,共匪的「另一条战线」也在积极推进,包括:

逐步蚕食香港的法治、自由,逐渐加强对香港社会的全面控制;

大力推动香港「工业北移」,使香港产业结构空心化,不能自给自足,必须依赖大陆和进出口贸易;

以各种借口逐渐消灭香港自产淡水的能力,使香港的淡水供应完全依赖于大陆;

供应给香港的淡水有严重污染问题,但港府和水务署一直对公众隐瞒;

长年在香港秘密进行生化武器实验、脑控实验等,受害者涵盖大量香港平民、明星等。

「回归」多年之后,共匪对香港的政府、警队、公营机构、传媒、议会选举等已经高度掌控,于是在习近平任内,对香港提出了「二次回归」的要求。

而港人对共匪的步步紧逼,也终于忍无可忍,爆发了「雨伞革命」乃至「反送中运动」。

此时,共匪眼中的香港,已经从「统战对象」变成「专政对象」,因此对香港使出了「专政铁拳」,用类似「镇压反革命」的手法专门针对香港年轻人,以及实施「变相宵禁和戒严」、「慢板六四」等。


共匪对「统战」的定义是:团结次要敌人,消灭主要敌人。当主要敌人被消灭之后,就轮到次要敌人被消灭了。

当年民国的投共官员、学者们在「文革」中的可悲下场,有目共睹;而今天那些被「统战」的西方政商界大佬、台港澳政商名流们,似乎都没有吸取教训?或者他们认为,与共匪「利益交换」、「各取所需」之后,自己可以全身而退?

但别忘了,共匪可是掌握着国家级别的下毒、制造疾病、制造意外事故的手段,连西方国家元首、政商界名流都防不住,你确定你能防住?

当然,如果不接受共匪「统战」,公然反对共匪,会遭到共匪明暗两方面的凶残加害。也就是说,无论你是否「归顺」共匪,共匪都是要把你消灭的,只是时间早晚问题。

那么,要逃脱被共匪消灭的结局,办法就只剩一个:消灭共匪。



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发表于 5 天前 | 显示全部楼层

【RFI】特朗普,北京最好的候选人?

http://www.rfi.fr/cn/20191112-%E ... 9%E9%80%89%E4%BA%BA

法国『世界报』发表题为『特朗普,北京最好的候选人』的专栏文章,作者试图描述这样一幅前景:透过表面的美中贸易大战,中方事实上暗暗期待特朗普再次当选成功。为什么?因为….

文章说,智利大混乱,被迫取消了原定于11月中旬在该国举行的亚太经合峰会,这至少有一点是可取的,美国总统特朗普与中国国家主席习近平把签署贸易协议的时间往后推延。这一事件给双方的谈判者带来了喘息的机会,可使他们从容选择一个具有象征性的地方签署协议。特朗普希望在美国爱荷华签,这是一个被中方以不购买大豆做武器反击美国海关税而遭受惨重损失的农业州。这对习近平来说恰好,他曾在爱荷华的农场里度过一段时间,说不定乐于重返旧地。

不过,北京为什么要给正在全力竞选的特朗普献上一份政治大礼呢?很简单,因为特朗普再次当选中国人有利可图。也许人们觉得这很难懂,一个对中国不停加税的美国总统,他攻击中国的明星产业 华为,他向一些中国高官发出签证限制……然而,根据『外交政治』期刊,从北京传出的消息显示, “特朗普是北京最好的王牌,中国领导人希望特朗普再次当选,因为他太虚弱了。”

当然喽,特朗普是北京一个珍贵的王牌,只要他能让美国继续削弱奥巴马先前达成了旨在钳制中国的泛亚太地区自贸协议,特朗普上台之日予以废除。从库尔德地区到菲律宾,现在没有多少人信任华盛顿。而此刻,华盛顿几乎陷入一场内战,这当然让北京高兴。

重返白宫的民主党会使得两大超级强权获得一种建设性的共治吗?好像不是。美国的反中共识非常强大,而美国不可能忍受落在第二位。民主党,首先是他们候选人中的最左翼:桑德尔和伊丽莎白.沃伦,他们有一个抵触自由贸易主义的计划,他们更注重的是人权。总而言之,比起特朗普主义到处撒播的混沌,美国在民主党领导下重新变得一致而且苛求,这会使得习近平非常尴尬。特朗普与习近平打贸易战,我们将会看到一个最终的贸易协议,表面上会有许多让步,实际上,重回原点

一些人渐渐发觉了问题,尤其是墨西哥总统洛佩斯,在与美国达成一个不真实的自贸协议后,他以为轻松地度过了一段蜜月。然后,墨西哥同意堵住中美洲移民进入美国之路。所有人都是特朗普主义吗?威权政体头目肯定毫无疑问,他们发觉特朗普冒充摔角选手的一面。普京至此非常高兴,他在精心地布置棋盘;而从马克龙开始,欧盟与俄罗斯的关系正在变得缓和。

其实,特朗普主义的真正大输家是德国人。他们还生活在过去的时代,那个美国人负责他们的安全,保证大西洋两岸自由贸易的时代,美德之间的互不信任将随着特朗普进一步扩大针对德国汽车的战争而扩大,民粹主义要求任何时候必须得有一个敌人作对。默克尔,冷战的女儿,还在梦想着那个再也不会重新回来的时代,即使与民主党人也已变味,在奥巴马推出重返亚洲战略之后,过去的那个时代开始结束。

令人好奇的是,法国还自以为可以继续在特朗普主义的浪花上冲浪,法国已经非工业化,因此不太会遭受特朗普海关税的威胁,而且酩悦·轩尼诗-路易·威登集团大老板贝尔纳.阿尔诺,已利用他与特朗普的关系,使法国奢侈品免于遭受特朗普夸张的海关税。『经济学人』发表的那篇马克龙的访谈,他在其中声明北大西洋公约组织已经脑死亡,表面上看似乎是反特朗普的一种反应。事实上,这只是法国数不清的企图中的一个,趁着美国空虚之机,开创一个强大的欧洲防务。实质上这样做完全有理由,但遭到德国的拒绝,马克龙的举动已经开始滑陷,特朗普主义同样会残忍地透视出法国的虚荣。


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Trump Is Beijing’s Best Asset

https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/1 ... beijing-best-asset/

Among the many themes of Donald Trump’s presidency, his contentious policies toward China stick out. U.S. foreign-policy experts have noted that Trump’s almost three years in office have witnessed the long-held bipartisan consensus on China shift further and faster than in any other period in history, leading to a rapid and dramatic deterioration of one of the world’s most consequential bilateral relationships.

Though there’s broad political agreement on the need for the United States to take a tougher line on China, the administration’s mercurial approach has led to criticism from Republicans and Democrats alike. Trump has prosecuted a costly trade war against Beijing, banned Huawei’s technology from U.S. 5G networks, and recently placed visa restrictions on Chinese Communist Party officials involved in the extrajudicial incarceration of millions of Muslims in Xinjiang. He has marketed himself as the first U.S. president who is willing to get tough on China.

But for China, Trump’s weaknesses are more important than his bluster. During numerous off the record discussions with Chinese government officials and scholars, we are finding that an increasing number are hoping for Trump’s reelection next year. At a time when China’s political influence and military capabilities are growing, they argue that in spite of his anti-China bluster, Trump has afforded Beijing the space to expand its influence across Asia and, more importantly, comprehensively weakened Washington’s global leadership. From a zero-sum standpoint, many Chinese have concluded that Trump’s policies are strategically very good for China in the long run.

These thinkers believe that Trump, by polarizing U.S. domestic politics, damaging Washington’s international credibility and traditional global stewardship, and undermining long-standing alliance arrangements, has presented Beijing with its “greatest strategic opportunity since the end of the Cold War,” as Yan Xuetong, one of China’s foremost strategic thinkers, put it.

These Chinese thinkers see Trump as a dog with a big bark but little bite. He tested Beijing’s patience by accepting a phone call with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-Wen, in what the Chinese viewed as a violation of the “One China” policy, shortly after his election in 2016. Trump publicly questioned whether he would stick with the policy before saying he would, but he also said he would have to check with Chinese President Xi Jinping before taking another call with Tsai. Though the administration has greenlighted some arms sales to Taiwan, whether Trump would back Taipei were Beijing to attack remains doubtful, especially given his mercenary attitude toward U.S. military power.

Beijing has already gained significantly from Trump’s term in office. Despite prosecuting trade spats with India and the European Union, as well as China, the administration has largely given up on using World Trade Organization courts to litigate trade complaints and has blocked appointments to the organization’s Appellate Body. These actions not only get in the way of the world’s most important trade dispute settlement system but also embolden other countries to ignore international law.

When not damaging global governance institutions and mechanisms that helped establish the United States as the world’s preeminent superpower, Trump’s antipathy toward trade deals such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership has afforded China an opening. While Trump is shredding the cooperative trade agreements that have been central to U.S. international economic policy, Beijing is in the late stages of negotiations for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a deal that would tie China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, and the 10 Association of Southeast Asian Nations members into the world’s largest trade bloc. If that agreement is ratified, the United States will be left out of the two largest global free trade deals, the other being the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, negotiated among 11 countries involved in the original Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. This would add insult to injury, as China already trades more with every major Asian economy than the United States does.

These relinquishments of U.S. leadership in multilateral institutions provide China the space to take a greater role in global governance and in setting international rules and norms. Beijing has taken notice, asserting itself at the United Nations and submitting trade war-related complaints to the WTO, while promoting the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank as a viable alternative to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Though Beijing has moved to make the Belt and Road Initiative the unparalleled vanguard project of global infrastructure development, the Trump administration has yet to provide a viable alternative.

Previous U.S. presidents have recognized that the United States gains strength from working with partners with which it shares values, history, and a sense of purpose. This is no more true than in its approach to the Asia-Pacific, and as Michael Green, a former senior director for Asian affairs at the National Security Council under President George W. Bush, recently said in testimony before Congress, “without allies, we have no China strategy.

But Trump has taken a starkly different approach, and his rhetoric, actions, and decisions have led countries to question whether they can count on the United States. Trump’s has abandoned the Kurds, longtime partners in the Middle East; questioned America’s commitment to NATO; and let the U.S. post-World War II East Asian alliance network decay.

As China expands its reach, South Korea and Japan, U.S. allies that have formed the backbone of the U.S. military’s Northeast Asia security strategy for over 70 years, are locked in a bitter dispute that has led them to partially suspend their trade relationship. The Trump administration has largely ignored the dispute, displaying little understanding of the importance of these regional partners. Notwithstanding its long history of disagreements with both Tokyo and Seoul, Beijing has now stepped forward and offered to assist in settling the dispute, highlighting the absence of U.S. leadership on the issue.

The Trump administration’s lack of diplomatic skill is also evident in Southeast Asia, as the Philippines, a U.S. ally, has drifted toward Beijing in recent years. Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte has made five trips to China and none to the United States since assuming office in 2016. In an all-too-apt display of Duterte’s strategic alignment, the Philippines used Chinese money to build a new city on land that had once been part of Clark Air Base, a U.S. military installation established during the Spanish-American War. These developments come while Beijing continues to ignore a U.N. ruling in favor of the Philippines in a South China Sea dispute, showing just how much Washington’s relationship with Manila has regressed.

As for the trade war, the much-hyped mini-deal, which included agreements on purchases of agricultural goods and the elimination of future tariffs, fell well short of Trump’s original goal of forcing Beijing to adopt critically important structural economic reforms that would help establish a balanced trade relationship with China over the long term.

Instead of rolling back Chinese subsidies and improving intellectual property protections, the deal mostly helps Trump relieve political pressure in agricultural states as he heads into the presidential campaign. This is part of a pattern where Trump sets high objectives, boasts he will achieve them, and then fails to deliver. The mini-deal was clearly welcomed in China, viewed as a victory for Xi, and provided further evidence that Trump’s capricious behavior can be tolerated, if not managed. The Chinese will see Trump’s acceptance of the watered-down deal, made up mostly of Chinese purchases that have been on the table for more than a year, as a sign of weakness as he faces possible impeachment and another grueling campaign.

Though the Chinese leadership certainly finds Trump to be personally annoying, that he largely views U.S.-China ties through the lens of trade has, according to several of the scholars we spoke with, limited further deterioration of the relationship. Trump has pushed back against his advisors’ more provocative and aggressive policy proposals while watering down others, such as the recent Xinjiang sanctions, which many members of Congress wanted to include Global Magnitsky Act provisions. In contrast, several Democratic presidential candidates, most notably Elizabeth Warren, have called for a tougher line on many China-related issues, including Hong Kong and human rights.

A different U.S. president could, and likely would, take a tougher tack on human rights and use the vast resources of all departments and agencies of the U.S. government to operationalize and execute a new and updated approach to China. Meanwhile, as the bilateral relationship becomes more contentious, many Chinese think that four more years of Trump weakening the United States’ international standing could yield Beijing the space to consolidate its global gains and welcome a new American president in 2025 from an even more favorable strategic position.

To be clear, not every Chinese scholar or official with whom we talked wanted to see another four years of Trump. Some, such as the University of International Relations professor Da Wei, have argued that Trump’s damaging of both Chinese and U.S. interests could result in a deeply compromised international order and complicate Beijing’s continued rise.

But those who hope for a second term see an unprecedented strategic opportunity for China in Trump’s destruction of what they view as the key U.S. pillars of strength. By gutting U.S. political advantages at home, eviscerating America’s reputation and credibility abroad, and subverting the heretofore solid alliance structure in the Asia-Pacific, Trump is weakening the United States. In doing so, he is granting China the opportunity to gain critical geopolitical advantages and create a more favorable international environment in which to advance its own interests.


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《华盛顿邮报》:特朗普或拒签《香港人权与民主法案》

https://thestandnews.com/politic ... %E6%B3%95%E6%A1%88/

美国众议院早前全票通过《香港人权与民主法案》,法案主要推手共和党参议员鲁比奥(Marco Rubio)上周四(14日)启动“热线”程序,若无参议员反对,他指可于最快当地时间本周一(18日)通过,毋须全院表决,随后提交总统特朗普签署。不过 《华盛顿邮报》报道,白宫可能关心中美贸易协议多过香港情况,特朗普或许最终会拒绝签署法案。

《华盛顿邮报》报道,参众两院即使通过法案,仍需要克服另一重障碍,就是白宫可能重视中美贸易协定,多于香港的情况。上周香港示威有加剧迹象,部份大学校园成为示威者和警方冲突的“战场”,问题是特朗普会否坚定地捍卫香港,经常在 Twitter 发文评论的特朗普,至今未有就法案作任何评论。

麦高文: 特朗普的沉默令人不安

美国国会及行政当局中国委员会(CECC)主席、众议员麦高文(Jim McGovern)认为特朗普的沉默令人感到不安,他指美国当然希望想与中方建立良好的经济关系,但并不代表要牺牲对人权的承诺。

报道指,特朗普要争取 2020 年连任,与中方达成贸易协议自然是优先工作。美国战略暨国际研究中心中国问题专家布兰切特(Jude Blanchette)指,法案一旦通过,势必激起北京怒火,将难以与美方签订协议。不过,法案获民主共和两党大力支持,加上 NBA 风波提高了全美民众对香港局势的关注,特朗普要拒签有难度。白宫拒绝评论该法案。


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