米辰峰译 时评：为什么普京冷漠2017十月革命百年庆典

米辰峰

米辰峰译 时评：为什么普京冷漠2017十月革命百年庆典
Why Putin Won’t Be Marking the Hundredth Anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution
为什么普京冷漠十月革命百年庆典？【纽约客时评】
By Masha Lipman, November 3, 2017【撰稿人：马沙 里普曼】
https://www.newyorker.com/contributors/masha-lipman
附录2【米辰峰译文7大要点与搜狐网英文联播译文质量差异抽样对比】
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Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, is an anti-revolutionary conservative. It’s no surprise that the Kremlin is greeting the centenary with evasion and silence.
【提要】俄国领导人弗拉基米尔 普京是一个反革命的保守主义者。无怪乎克里姆林宫用逃避和沉默来冷漠俄国十月革命百年庆典。

Photograph by Alexander Nemenov / AFP / Getty法新社提供Alexander Nemenov拍摄的普京近照
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On November 7th, the dwindling tribe of Communist Party loyalists and nostalgists will commemorate the hundredth anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution. Vladimir Putin, however, has made it clear that the centenary is not an occasion for state celebration. While the foreign press has published countless perspectives on Lenin and Trotsky, Soviet Communism, and the global influence of those revolutionary days, as far as the Kremlin is concerned, November 7th in Russia should be an ordinary working day. Why that’s so is at the very center of Putin’s political outlook and his view of the history of the Russian state.
2017年11月7日，日益衰落的俄国共产党愚忠分子和怀旧分子，聚会庆祝俄国布尔什维克革命100周年。然而，普京早已明确表示，这次聚会不属于国家庆典。虽然近来外国媒体发表了无数关于列宁和托洛茨基、苏联共产主义、乃至那个革命时代对世界的种种影响，仅就当代克里姆林宫政府而言，俄国的11月7日应该是一个平常工作日。为什么革命传统庆典变成平常工作日？奥秘尽在普京的政治观和俄国历史观心灵深处。
John Reed, the American journalist who is buried in the necropolis of the Kremlin wall, called his classic account of the Bolshevik Revolution “Ten Days That Shook the World.” It was indeed a colossal upheaval. In 1917, the Romanov dynasty was overturned, and the Bolsheviks prevailed over less radical factions; by the following year, the three-hundred-year-old Russian Empire was over. The Bolsheviks executed Nicholas II and his family. They set out to exterminate the peasantry, the nobility, and the clergy; they uprooted Russian traditional national identity and faith. The Bolsheviks enforced a new, “classless” society and a new ideological culture in place of imperial Russia.
约翰  李德是一位埋葬在克里姆林宫墓地的美国记者，他在他写的经典时事报道里，把布尔什维克革命叫做“震撼世界的十天。”它确实是翻天覆地的巨变。1917年，罗曼诺夫王朝被推翻了，布尔什维克征服了所有的非激进派别；第二年，存在300年的俄罗斯帝国灭亡了。布尔什维克处决了沙皇尼古拉二世及其全家人。他们消灭了农奴、贵族和教士；他们根除了俄罗斯传统的民族特征和信仰。布尔什维克强加了一个新的“没有阶级的”社会，一种新的意识形态文化取代了帝俄。
In the Soviet Union, the Bolshevik revolution became a foundational myth complete with a founding father, Lenin, who, despite his mortal expiration in January, 1924, was officially declared “forever alive” and put on display in the mausoleum outside the Kremlin walls. The Revolution’s formal name was the Great October Socialist Revolution, or Veliky Oktyabr’ (“Great October”). In the first grade, a child became an Oktyabrionok, a descendant of Oktyabr’; as primary-schoolers, we all wore a star-shaped pin with an image of Lenin as a curly-headed little boy. Seven-year-olds across the eleven time zones of the Soviet state sang, “We are happy kids / October kids / We are given this name / in honor of the October victory.”
在苏联，由开国之父列宁领导的布尔什维克革命变成了建国神话，尽管他在1924年1月就去世了，却被官方宣布为“永远活着”，并把遗体陈列在克里姆林宫墙外的陵墓里。这场革命的正式命名是“伟大的十月社会主义革命”，汉语简称为“十月革命”(俄语简称是Veliky Oktyabr’，英语“Great October” )。在小学一年级，儿童被称为“十月之子”；作为小学生，我们都佩戴着星型别针像章，像章的列宁是卷发小男孩。横跨苏联11个时区如今的七十岁男女当年这样唱着：“我们是快乐的儿童，十月的儿童，我们因此得名，荣耀十月的胜利。”
Each year on November 7th, the Great October anniversary was commemorated all over the Soviet Union. (A calendar reform was one of many revolutionary transformations.) Even as late as the nineteen-seventies and eighties, as Communist ideology was fading, we celebrated the Revolution with parades and rallies. Streets and squares were renamed not just after the Revolution itself but after its anniversaries: in Moscow, we had Ten Years of October Street and Fifty Years of October Street; in 1977, a plaza near the Kremlin was renamed Sixty Years of October Square.
每年的11月7日，全苏联都纪念十月革命（俄历10月=公历11月，历法是许多革命变革之一）。即使到最近的1970-80年代，尽管共产主义信仰日趋式微，我们还是用集会和游行来庆祝十月革命。现存的许多街道和广场的“十月革命”名称并非来自“十月革命”本身，而是来自若干周年纪念之后。例如在莫斯科，我们有“十月革命十周年大街”，还有“十月革命五十周年大街”，在1977年，克里姆林宫附近的广场被重新命名为“十月革命六十周年广场”。
Most of these names are still around today. Lenin’s embalmed body is still in the mausoleum, and countless statues of him remain standing. And yet the Bolshevik Revolution has been all but absent in the official discourse. This process of disappearing began not long after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 1996, Boris Yeltsin stripped the November 7th holiday of its origin, renaming it the Day of Accord and Reconciliation, but the new name sounded meaningless amid the discord and turmoil associated with his rule. In 2004, Putin cancelled the holiday altogether.
这些革命的地名大多数沿用至今。列宁的防腐尸体还在陵墓里，无数的列宁雕像还矗立着。但是，俄国的官方舆论却不再提布尔什维克的十月革命了。这种销声匿迹是从苏联解体后不久开始的。叶利钦在1996年撤销了11月7日节假日的革命起源含义，重新命名为“和谐和解日”，但是伴随其后持续的不和与动乱使得这次更名显得反讽无义。于是在2004年，普京干脆取消了这个节假日。
In this centenary year, discussion of “Great October” is limited almost entirely to academic conferences and small intellectual venues, and Russian officials avoid the subject. Last week, Dmitri Peskov, Putin’s spokesman, said that the Kremlin is planning no Revolution-related events. “What’s the point of celebrating, anyway?” he added.
这次讨论“十月革命”一百周年，几乎全部局限在学术会议和小规模的知识分子场所，俄国官方避谈这个话题。上星期，普京的发言人德米特里 佩斯科夫说，克里姆林宫没有计划举办与革命有关的纪念活动。“那么，此次庆祝的隐秘看点在哪呢？”他补充说。
The crucial political point here is that, while the Communist-era narrative and Soviet leaders from Lenin to Gorbachev hailed the revolutionary rupture—the abrupt destruction of the ancien régime and the advent of the brave new world–– Putin is deeply averse to any abrupt political shifts. He is a distinctly anti-revolutionary conservative, deeply apprehensive of any grassroots challenge. To Putin, all signs of independent public activism and protest are a challenge to stability––specifically, the stability of his rule.
此处重要的政治看点是，共产党时代的历史叙述，从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫的苏联领导人都曾欢呼革命的断裂—即欢呼突然推翻古代政制，勇敢创建新世界—而普京却坚决反对任何唐突的政治变革。他是一位鲜明的反革命的保守主义者，深刻忧虑任何草根刁民的挑战。对普京而言，形形色色独立公开的激进活动和抗议，都是对稳定，特别是针对他统治的稳定，的一种挑战。
“Too often in our national history, instead of an opposition to the government, we faced opposition to Russia itself,” Putin said in 2013. “And we know how that ends. It ends with the destruction of the state itself.”
普京在2013年说：“我们的民族历史经常是，反政府的表象背后，我们面对着反对俄国本身。其结果我们都知道，革命导致了那个国家本身[而不仅仅是政府]瓦解了”
Back in 1989, as a K.G.B. officer stationed in Dresden, Putin experienced the decline of Soviet power with great alarm. Once in power himself, he watched unrest in Georgia, Ukraine, Central Asia, and the Middle East end in the overthrow of even the toughest-seeming authoritarian governments. He saw these examples of political tumult as warnings. When protesters came out in force in 2011, demanding a “Russia Without Putin,” Putin made it plain that he would show little tolerance. Putin’s goals—to keep Russian society quiescent and demobilized; to make sure that Russian élites remain loyal to him—are at the root of his evasive stance on divisive issues of Soviet history and his near silence on the Bolshevik Revolution.
回顾1989年，当时的克格勃官员普京在德国Saxony邦首府德累斯顿工作，满怀震惊地经历了苏联解体。他自己上台以后，又目睹了格鲁吉亚、乌克兰、中亚和中东的社会动乱，貌似特强的极权政府也被推翻了。他把这些政治骚乱看做是警告。2011年，当街头出现暴力抗议游行，要求“普京下台”时，普京态度明确，给予零容忍。他的政治目标是—保持俄国社会安静和安定；确保俄国精英对他保持忠诚—这就是普京避谈苏联历史的分裂问题和几乎冷漠十月革命的根源
The history here is tricky. After 1991, as the Yeltsin government tried to build a post-Soviet Russian nation on anti-Communist grounds, the Revolution of 1917 was commonly referred to as a “tragedy” and a “catastrophe.” Liberal intellectuals and journalists insisted that Russia come to terms with the past by exposing the evils of the Communist regime. This initiative, which was somewhat similar to “truth and reconciliation” efforts in post-apartheid South Africa, failed dramatically. Instead of reconciling Russian society, the process exacerbated political divisions, which ran deeper than many had imagined. These ideological divides, coupled with the many economic and political failures of the Yeltsin era, helped pave the way to the rise of Putin and stability as the ultimate political value.
这段历史是滑稽的。1991年以后，叶利钦政府试图在反苏共的基础上，建立一个后苏联的俄罗斯国家，把1917年的革命说成是一场“悲剧”和“浩劫”。自由派的知识分子和记者们坚持认为，通过揭露前苏共政权的罪恶达成俄国历史的和解。而这个倡议，同南非后种族隔离时代的“真相与和解”有几分相像，都完全失败了。俄国社会非但没有和解，叶利钦新政反而恶化了政治分裂，比以往想象的恶劣还严重。这些意识形态的分裂，伴随着叶利钦时代的许多经济和政治失败，助长了普京的崛起，并把维稳看做是他最重要的政治价值。
In 1999, Putin inherited a Russia that was in a state of misery, exhaustion, and turmoil—as Putin put it, “in a condition of division, internally separated.” He opted for a different means of reconciliation: instead of taking a “let’s talk about it” approach, he resorted to a remedy of obfuscation and oblivion. Public discussions about divisive and disquieting subjects—the roles of Lenin and Stalin in Soviet history, the Communist dictatorship, mass repressions––became increasingly marginalized in the official discourse of political life and in the media. The Kremlin’s official stance on these issues grew blurred.
1999年，普京接管了一个悲惨、衰竭、动乱的俄罗斯—按照普京自己的说法“处于内部崩离的分裂状态。”他选择了特别手段去寻求和解：针对流行公开讨论分裂和绥靖的问题—例如列宁和斯大林在苏联历史中的作用，共产党专制，大规模镇压—他没有着手“让我们来讨论这些问题”，而是采用“难得糊涂”和稀泥疗法，诱导昏迷和健忘，促使政治生活的官方叙述和媒体日益淡化敏感问题。于是，克里姆林宫在这些棘手问题的官方立场就日益模糊了。
In particular, Putin played down the major upheavals of the twentieth century, from the collapse of Russian statehood, in 1917, to the collapse of the Soviet Union, in 1991. Instead, he tried to create a more expansive view of history, minimizing the turmoil of revolutionary Russia. “Russia,” he said, “did not begin either in 1917, or in 1991. We have a single, uninterrupted history spanning over a thousand years.”
具体说来，普京淡化了20世纪若干历史巨变的评价，从1917年帝俄的崩溃到1991年的苏联解体都少说为佳。相反，他试图创建一种更宽广的历史观，缩小革命时代俄国的动乱。因此他说：“俄国既不是从1917，也不是从1991年开始的。我们拥有延续千年不可中断的独特历史。”
As the hundredth anniversary of Great October drew close, Putin, in his annual address to parliament, said, “The centennial is a reason . . . to turn to the causes and the very nature of revolutions in Russia.” But, rather than elaborating on the causes of revolution, Putin switched to his perpetual theme: “We need history’s lessons primarily for reconciliation and for strengthening the social, political and civil concord that we have managed to achieve.”
因为十月革命百年日益临近，普京在他年度的国会/俄国杜马致辞中说：“一百周年是一个解答俄国多次革命的本质和原因的契机。”但是，普京却没有详解革命的原因，而是转到他的老生常谈：“我们所需要的历史教训，主要是有益于我们业已追求的和解与强化社会、政治和群众的和谐。”
In Putin’s Russia, “reconciliation” means universal loyalty to the regime. As long as one pledges allegiance to the regime and shares its anti-Western and anti-liberal stance, one can be a Communist or a monarchist, an admirer of Stalin or Brezhnev or a worshipper of Nicholas II. Unlike Soviet Communism, Putin’s regime draws on ideological evasiveness, not rigidity.
在普京的俄国，“和解”就意味着普遍地忠于现政权。只要你发过要效忠现政权的誓言，一齐反对西方反对自由化，那么，你就有资格成为俄共党员，或者是尊奉斯大林、勃列日涅夫的王党分子，或者是沙皇尼古拉二世的崇拜者。与苏联的共产主义不同，普京政权致力于淡化意识形态，而不被其桎梏所困。
As a result, despite Putin’s command of the regime, his control of the media, and his intolerance of political dissent, ideas and historical perceptions vary quite widely—and the centenary has made plain to what extent Russia is not an ideological monolith.
这样做的结果是，尽管普京凌驾与政权，控制媒体，他对政治异议、对多元意识形态和历史的非常多样化叙述仍然不宽容—百年庆典已经清楚地说明，仅仅在多大程度上俄国不再是一个一元化意识形态的怪兽。
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, one of the four parliamentary parties, has just launched week-long celebrations of the revolution anniversary in Moscow and St. Petersburg. The events include “the 19th international meeting of communist and workers’ parties,” a wreath-laying ceremony at Lenin’s Tomb, and a visit to the great man’s old Kremlin offices. The Party published a list of slogans for the centennial: “Long live the socialist revolution!”; “Lenin-Stalin-Victory”; “Glory to the achievements of Great October”; “Revolutions are the locomotives of history”; “Revolution has happened, Revolution is alive.”
占据俄国议会杜马的四党之一，即俄罗斯联邦共产党，刚刚在圣彼得堡和莫斯科举办了为期一周的十月革命百年庆典。庆典包括召开了“第十九届国际共产党和工人党联合会”，给列宁墓献花圈，拜访伟人列宁在克里姆林宫的旧办公室。俄共为百年庆典公布的许多口号是：“社会主义革命万岁！”“列宁斯大林胜利万岁！”“光荣归于十月革命的成就！”“革命是历史前进的火车头！”“ 革命不仅发生，革命永远活着！”
The Kremlin, of course, will not join the Communist festivities, but neither does it interfere with the Party extolling the revolution. Meanwhile, the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church refers to the revolution as a “spiritual catastrophe” and is commemorating 1917 as “the beginning of an era of persecutions” and of the first assassinations of “new martyrs”—the countless clergy executed by the Bolsheviks. A reliquary of the new martyrs has been travelling around Russia in commemoration of the anniversary.
普京政府当然不会参加俄共的这些庆典，但也没有制止俄共胡乱颂扬十月革命。与此同时，俄罗斯东正教会的领导层却把十月革命叫做“精神浩劫”，并把1917年当做“大迫害时代的开始”以及“新时代殉教士”首次大屠杀来纪念—无数的基督教士被布尔什维克杀害了。他们手捧着当年殉教士的遗骨匣巡游了俄罗斯一圈作为纪念。
And yet, despite the profoundly different ways in which the Communist Party and the Russian Orthodox Church are treating this centenary moment, the leaders of both institutions are willing contributors to Putin’s reconciliation project. They easily dismiss their past and present differences as minor, and cordially greet each other. Both are utterly loyal to one figure: Vladimir Putin.
但是，尽管俄共和俄罗斯东正教会纪念十月革命的方式如此迥然不同，两家组织的领导层都愿意为普京倡导的社会和谐项目做贡献。他们轻易地都表示要捐弃前嫌，求大同存小异，精诚团结。共同竭诚效忠于一个领袖：弗拉基米尔 普京。
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附录1，11月1-8日圣彼得堡和莫斯科纪念十月革命100周年的日程表
2017-10-30 11:15:36   来源：国际红色通讯  
　　圣彼得堡，11月1日
16:00-19:00  工作会议(塔夫利达宫，9号大厅)

　　圣彼得堡，11月2日
10:00  第19次共产党和工人党国际会议开幕式和新闻发布会

　　圣彼得堡，11月3日09:00  在塔夫利宫继续第19次共产党和工人党国际会议
19:00  纪念十月革命100周年盛大晚会(圣彼得堡，利果夫大街6号，十月大音乐厅)

圣彼得堡，11月4日10:00-17:00  拜访斯莫尔尼宫，
参观当年宣告胜利的大礼堂以及列宁当年的办公室和卧室

　　莫斯科，11月5日11:30  在朱可夫元帅像前集合
　　12:00  向无名烈士墓和列宁墓敬献花圈
19:00  纪念十月革命100周年盛大晚会(卢日尼基奥林匹克体育中心，露西亚音乐厅)

莫斯科，11月6日10:00  纪念伟大的十月社会主义革命100周年的国际左翼论坛开幕式
(列宁格勒大街，莫斯科复兴大酒店，安德烈夫斯基会议大厅)

　　莫斯科，11月7日14:30  在普希金广场集合。
　　15:00  庆祝游行和集会活动。
　　20:00  隆重的招待会(莫斯科复兴大酒店，安德烈夫会议大厅，列宁格勒大街)

　　来源：俄罗斯联邦共产党
翻译：季学青同志
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附录2：【搜狐网英文联播】十月革命百年：普京何以无动于衷？ | 纽约客 2017-11-07 06:37
http://www.sohu.com/a/202762884_166556 【已经保存全部译文截图】

【米辰峰译文7大要点与搜狐网英文联播译文质量差异抽样对比】
1【原文】Seven-year-olds across the eleven time zones of the Soviet state sang, “We are happy kids / October kids / We are given this name / in honor of the October victory.”
【米辰峰译文】横跨苏联11个时区如今的七十岁男女当年这样唱着：“”
【搜狐译文】横跨苏联11个时区的七十岁老头如今还会唱：主语olds 和谓语sang都译错了

2【原文】Last week, Dmitri Peskov, Putin’s spokesman, said that the Kremlin is planning no Revolution-related events. “What’s the point of celebrating, anyway?” he added.
【米辰峰译文】上星期，普京的发言人德米特里 佩斯科夫说，克里姆林宫没有计划举办与革命有关的纪念活动。“那么，此次庆祝的隐秘看点在哪呢？”他补充说。
【搜狐译文】上周，普京的发言人德米特里·佩斯罗夫表示，克里姆林宫没有计划举办与革命有关的活动。“总之，为什么庆祝？”他补了一刀。

3【原文】In 1999, Putin inherited a Russia that was in a state of misery, exhaustion, and turmoil—as Putin put it, “in a condition of division, internally separated.” He opted for a different means of reconciliation: instead of taking a “let’s talk about it” approach, he resorted to a remedy of obfuscation and oblivion. Public discussions about divisive and disquieting subjects—the roles of Lenin and Stalin in Soviet history, the Communist dictatorship, mass repressions––became increasingly marginalized in the official discourse of political life and in the media. The Kremlin’s official stance on these issues grew blurred.
【米辰峰译文】1999年，普京接管了一个悲惨、衰竭、动乱的俄罗斯—按照普京自己的说法“处于内部崩离的分裂状态。”他选择了特别手段去寻求和解：针对流行公开讨论分裂和绥靖的问题—例如列宁和斯大林在苏联历史中的作用，共产党专制，大规模镇压—他没有着手“让我们来讨论这些问题”，而是采用“难得糊涂”和稀泥疗法，诱导昏迷和健忘，促使政治生活的官方叙述和媒体日益淡化敏感问题。于是，克里姆林宫在这些棘手问题的官方立场就日益模糊了。
【搜狐译文】1999年，普京接手的俄国处于水深火热之中，一穷二白，动荡不堪，正如普京所言，“处于内部的分裂”。他选择了另一种和解方式：他并不主张“让我们谈谈过去”，他诉诸于糊里糊涂的遗忘疗法。公开讨论列宁和斯大林在俄国历史上的角色、共产主义专政和大规模压迫等造成分裂和忧虑的话题在政治生活和媒体官话中日渐边缘化了。克里姆林对这些问题的官方立场变得暧昧不清。

4【原文】As the hundredth anniversary of Great October drew close, Putin, in his annual address to parliament, said, “The centennial is a reason . . . to turn to the causes and the very nature of revolutions in Russia.” But, rather than elaborating on the causes of revolution, Putin switched to his perpetual theme: “We need history’s lessons primarily for reconciliation and for strengthening the social, political and civil concord that we have managed to achieve.”
【米辰峰译文】因为十月革命百年日益临近，普京在他年度的国会/俄国杜马致辞中说：“一百周年是一个解答俄国多次革命的本质和原因的契机。”但是，普京却没有详解革命的原因，而是转到他的老生常谈：“我们所需要的历史教训，主要是有益于我们业已追求的和解与强化社会、政治和群众的和谐。”
【搜狐译文】十月革命百年将近，普京在俄国杜马年度演讲中说，“值此百年，有理由不忘初心，思考俄国革命的本质。”但他并未解释革命的初心，相反转到了他永恒的主题：“我们要从历史中汲取教训，主要目的是和解及加强社会、政治和民众和谐，我们设法实现了这一点。” that we have managed to achieve这个定语从句明显意思是“我们业已追求的”，而不是“我们设法实现了这一点”，搜狐严重误译啊，原意还没实现呢！

5【原文】Unlike Soviet Communism, Putin’s regime draws on ideological evasiveness, not rigidity.
【米辰峰译文】与苏联的共产主义不同，普京政权致力于淡化意识形态，而不被其桎梏所困。
【搜狐译文】同苏共不同，普京的政权不提意识形态，也不拘泥。搜狐翻译隔膜原文！

6【原文】the centenary has made plain to what extent Russia is not an ideological monolith.
【米辰峰译文】百年庆典已经清楚地说明，仅仅在多大程度上俄国不再是一个一元化意识形态的怪兽。
【搜狐译文】百年是一个契机，表明了俄国在意识形态上并非铁板一块。搜狐翻译偏离原文！

7【原文】They easily dismiss their past and present differences as minor, and cordially greet each other. Both are utterly loyal to one figure: Vladimir Putin.
【米辰峰译文】他们轻易地都表示要捐弃前嫌，求大同存小异，精诚团结。共同竭诚效忠于一个领袖：弗拉基米尔 普京。
【搜狐译文】他们毫无困难地认为过去和现在的不同不值一提，并真诚地向对方问好。双方都对一个人保持绝对忠诚：弗拉基米尔·普京。搜狐翻译偏离原文！

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谢谢。重点发表了。